"The Rest of the Bloody Story"
The Forces that have been exposed in this book are EVIL to say the least. And
neither are they so foolish to become visible to the whole of society.
As the Judge and the Jury, I think you will agree that the facts and evidence
presented so far have been overwhelming. I also think you will agree that the
plan for over-throwing the world did not start in recent history and one must be
asking themselves, "Is there in existence a blueprint - a MASTER PLAN
- for the systematic destruction of civilization, all governments and religions,
and the establishment of a ONE-WORLD TOTALITARIAN DICTATORSHIP?"
Yes, such a MASTER PLAN does exist. It has been known and published in
various forms since the Bavarian government circulated their famous report on
the activities and plans of a secret organization called the Illuminati in the
1780's. It has to have been generations old in planning. George Washington spoke
of a secret society called the "Illuminati" and this is what he had to
say about this invisible power behind the throne which seeks to over-throw all
forms of government so that they might inherit the earth:
"Reverend Sir: It was not my intention to doubt that the doctrine of the
Illuminati and the principles of Jacobinism had not spread in the United States.
On the contrary, no one is more satisfied of this fact than I am . . ."
(U.S. Government Printing Office, 1941, Vol. 20)
In 1953 the California Senate Investigating Committee reported:
"So-called modern Communism is apparently the same hypocritical and deadly
conspiracy to destroy civilization that was founded by the secret order of the
Illuminati in Bavaria on May 1, 1776, and that raised its hoary head in our
colonies here as the critical period before the adoption of our Federal
Constitution . . .
Since the official and highly organized founding of the Syndicate occurred in
Europe in 1776, our isolated and founding nation was thus spared the main thrust
of its tentacles until after our revolution occurred and our Constitution
Just three years after the Communists seized Russia, there was printed in the
Illustrated Sunday Herald dated Feb. 8, 1920, the following statement by Winston
Churchill about the Illuminati: "From the days of Sparticus - Weishaupt to
those of Karl Marx, to those of Trotsky, Bela-Kuhn, Rosa Luxembourg and Emma
Goldman, this world-wide conspiracy has been steadily growing. This conspiracy
played a definitely recognizable role in the tragedy for the French Revolution.
It has been the main-spring of every subversive movement in the 19th Century;
and now at last this band of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of
the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the
hair of their heads, and have become practically the undisputed masters of that
enormous empire." (A. Ralph Epperson, "The New World Order")
In January 1789 the Marquis de Luchet, horrified by the impending onslaught
by the Illuminati, published the following before the fall of the Bastile to
warn the people:
"Deluded people; You must understand that there exists a conspiracy in
favor of despotism and against liberty, incapacity against talent, of vice
against virtue, of ignorance against light! It is formed in the depths of the
most impenetrable darkness, a society is to rule the world, to appropriate the
authority of sovereigns, to usurp their place . . . Every species of error which
afflicts the earth, every half-baked idea, every invention serves to fit the
doctrines of the Illuminati . . . I see that all great fundamentals which
society has made good use of to retain the allegiance of man - such as religion
and law - will be without power to destroy an organization which has made itself
a cult, and put itself above all human legislation. Finally, I see the release
of calamities who end will be lost in the night of ages, activities devours the
entrails of the globe and escapes into the air with a violent and devastating
The founder of the Illuminati, Adam Weishaupt had this to say, "The most
wonderful thing of all is that the distinguished Lutheran and Calvinist
theologians who belong to our order really believe that they see in it the true
and genuine sense of Christians religion. O mortal man, is there nothing you
cannot be made to believe."
He went on to write, "The true purpose of the order was to rule the
world. To achieve this it was necessary for the order to destroy all religions,
overthrow all governments and abolish private property . . . The strength of our
order lies in its concealment, let it never appear in any place in its own name,
but always covered by another name, and another occupation."
The following document referred to as "The Master Plan" were
discovered in 1785, on the body of a courier who was apparently the victim of
being struck by lightning. The British Museum in London purchased a copy on
August 10, 1906.
British journalist Victor Marsden translated the Master
Plan into English. His
translation was later published by the English Publishing Society, of London, in
I will warn you in advance that the "Master Plan" you are
about to read is Satanic in nature. One might even go as far to say that it was
written by the hand of Satan.
". . . Putting aside fine phrases we shall speak of the significance of
each thought: by comparisons and deductions we shall throw light upon
What I am about to set forth, then, is our system from the two points of
view, that of ourselves and that of the Christians.
It must be noted that men with bad instincts are more in number than the
good, and therefore the best results in governing them are attained by violence
and terrorization, and not by academic discussions. Every man aims at power,
everyone would like to be like a dictator if only he could, and rare indeed are
the men who would not be willing to sacrifice the welfare of all for the sake of
securing their own welfare . . .
Political freedom is an idea but not a fact. The idea one must know how to
apply whenever it appears necessary with this bait of an idea to attract the
masses of the people to one's party for the purpose of crushing another who is
in authority. This task is rendered easier if the opponent has himself been
infected with the idea of freedom, so-called liberalism, and, for the sake of an
idea, is willing to yield some of his power. It is precisely here that triumph
of our theory appears: the slackened reins of government are immediately, by the
law of life, caught up and gathered together by a new hand, because the blind
might of the nation cannot for one single day exist without guidance, and the
new authority merely fits into the place of the old already weakened by
In our day the power which has replaced that of the rulers who were liberal
is the power of Gold. Time was when Faith ruled. The idea of freedom is
impossible of realization because no one knows how to use it with moderation. It
is enough to hand over a people to self-government for a certain length of time
for that people to be turned into a disorganized mob . . .
Whether a State exhausts itself in its own convulsions, whether its internal
discord brings it under the power of external foes - in any case it can be
accounted irretrievable lost: it is our power. The despotism of Capital, which
is entirely in our hands, reaches out to it a straw that the State, willy-nilly,
must take hold of: if not - it goes to the bottom . . .
It is possible for any logical mind to hope with any success to guide crowds
by the aide of reasonable counsels and arguments, when any objection or
contradiction, senseless though it may be, can be made and when such objection
may find more favor with the people, whose powers of reasoning are superficial?
Men in masses and the men in masses, being solely guided by petty passions,
paltry beliefs, customs, traditions and sentimental theorism, fall a prey to
party dissension, which hinders any kind of agreement even on the basis of a
perfectly reasonable argument . . .
The political has nothing in common with the moral. The ruler who is governed
by the moral is not a skilled politician, and therefore unstable on his throne.
He who wishes to rule must have our course both to cunning . . . and to make
believe. Great national qualities, like frankness and honest, are vices in
politics, for they bring down rulers from their thrones more effectively and
more certainly than the most powerful enemy. Such qualities must be attributes
of the kingdoms of the Christians but we must in no wise be guided by them . . .
Our power in the present tottering condition of all forms of power will be
more invincible than any other, because it will remain invisible until the
moment it has gained such strength that no cunning can any longer undermine it .
Out of the temporary evil we are now compelled to commit will emerge the good
of an unshakable rule, which will restore the regular course of the machinery of
the national life, brought to naught by liberalism. The result justifies the
means. Let us, however, in our plans, direct our attention not so much to what
is good and moral as to what is necessary and useful..
Before us is a plan in which is laid down strategically the line from which
we cannot deviate without running the risk of seeing the labour of many
centuries brought to naught. In order to elaborate satisfactory forms of action
it is necessary to have regard to the rascality, the slackness, the instability
of the mob, its lack of capacity to understand and respect the conditions of its
own life, or its own welfare. It must be understood that the might of a mob is
blind, senseless and unreasoning force ever at the mercy of a suggestion from
any side. The blind cannot lead the blind without bringing them into abyss;
consequently members of the mob, upstarts from the people even though they
should be as a genius for wisdom, yet having no understanding of the political,
cannot come forward as leaders of the mob without bringing the whole nation to
ruin . . .
Our countersign is - force and Make-Believe. Only force conquers in political
affairs, especially if it be concealed in the talents essential to statesmen.
Violence must be the principle, and cunning and make-believe the rule for
governments which do not lay down their crowns at the feet of agents of some new
power. This evil is the one and only means to attain the end of good. Therefore
we must not stop at bribery, deceit and treachery when they should serve towards
the attainment of our end. In politics one must know how to seize the property
of others without hesitation if by it we secure submission and sovereignty,
Our state, marching along on the path of peaceful conquest, has the right to
replace the horrors of war by less noticeable and more satisfactory sentences of
death, necessary to maintain the terror which tends to produce blind submission.
Just but merciless severity is the greatest factor of strength in the State: not
only for the sake of gain but also in the name of duty, for the sake of victory
. . .
Far back in ancient times we were the first to cry among the masses of the
people the words "Liberty, Equality, Fraternity," words many times
repeated since those days of stupid poll-parrots who from all sides round flew
down on these baits and with them carried away the well-being of the world, true
freedom of the individual, so formerly well guarded against the pressure of the
mob. The would be wise men of the Christians, the intellectuals, could not make
anything out of the uttered words in their abstractness; did not note the
contradiction of their meaning and inter-relation; did not see that in nature
there is no equality, cannot be freedom; that Nature herself has established
inequality of minds, of characters, and capacities, just as immutably as she has
established subordination to her laws; never stopped to think that the mob is a
blind thing, that upstarts elected from among it to bear rule are in regard to
the political, the same blind men as the mob itself.
In all corners of the earth the words "Liberty, Equality,
Fraternity" brought to our ranks, thanks to our blind agents, whole legions
who bore our banners with enthusiasm. And all the time these words were
canker-worms at work boring into the well-being of the Christians, putting an end
everywhere to peace, quiet, solidarity and destroying all the foundations of the
Christians states. As you will see latter, this helped us to triumph; it gave us
the possibility, and among other things of getting into our hands the master
card - the destruction of the privileges, or in other words of the very
existence of the aristocracy of the Christians, that class which was the only
defense peoples and countries had against us . . .
Our triumph has been rendered easier by the fact that in our relations with
the men whom we wanted we have always worked upon the most sensitive chords of
the human mind, upon the cash account, upon the cupidity, upon the insatiability
for the material needs of man; and each one of these human weaknesses, taken
alone, is sufficient to paralyze initiative, for it hands over the will of men
to the disposition of him who has bought our activities.
Our international rights will then wipe out the national rights, in the
proper sense of right, and will rule the nations precisely as the civil law of
the States rules the relations of their subjects among themselves. [Editor's
Note: Over 200 years ago they were laying plans for the United Nations.]
The administrators, whom we shall choose from among the public, with strict
regard to the capacities for servile obedience, will not be persons trained in
the art of government, and will therefore easily become pawns in our game in the
hands of men of learning and genius who will be their advisors, specialists bred
and reared from early childhood to rule the affairs of the whole world. As is
well known to you, these specialists of our have been drawing, to fit them for
rule, the information they need from our political plans from the lessons of
history, from observations made of the events of every moment as it passes. The Christians
are not guided by practical use of unprejudiced historical
observation, but by theoretical routine without any critical regard to
consequent results. We need not, therefore, take any account of them - let them
amuse themselves until the hour strikes, or live on hopes of new forms of
enterprising pastime, or on the memories of all they have enjoyed. For them, let
that play the principal part of which we have persuaded them to accept as the
dictates of science (theory). It is with this object in view that we are
constantly, by means of our press, arousing a blind confidence in these
theories. The intellectuals of the Christians will puff themselves with their
knowledge and, without any logical verification of them, will put into effect
all the information available from science, which our agentur specialists have
cunningly pieced together for the purpose of educating their minds in the
direction we want . . .
In the hands of the State of today there is a great force that creates the
movement of thought in the people, and that is the press. That part is played by
the press is to keep pointing out requirements supposed to be indispensable, to
give voice to the complaints of the people, to express and create discontent. It
is in the Press that the triumph of freedom of speech finds its force; and it
has fallen into our hands. Through the Press we have gained the power of
influence while remaining ourselves in the shade; thanks to the Press we have
the gold in our hands, not withstanding that we have had to gather it out of
oceans of blood and tears. But it has paid us, though we have sacrificed many of
our people. Each victim on our side is worth in the sight of God a thousand Christians.
The constitution scales of these days will shortly break down, for we have
established them with a certain lack of accurate balance in order that they may
oscillate incessantly until they wear through the pivot on which they turn. The Christians
are under the impression that they have welded them sufficiently
strong and they have all along kept on expecting the scales would come into
equilibrium . . .
In order to incite seekers after the power to a misuse of power, we have set
all forces in opposition one to another, breaking up their liberal tendencies
towards independence. to this end, we have stirred up every form of enterprises,
we have armed all parties, we have set up authority as a target for every
ambition. Of States we have made gladiatorial arenas where a host of confused
issues contend . . . A little more, and disorders and bankruptcy will be
universal . . .
Babblers inexhaustible have turned into oratorical contests and the sittings
of Parliament and Administrative Boards. Bold journalists and unscrupulous
pamphleteers daily fall upon executive officials. Abuses of power will put the
final touch in preparing all institutions for their overthrow and everything
will fly skyward under the blows of the maddened mob.
All people are chained down to heavy toil by poverty more firmly than ever
they were chained to slavery and serfdom; from these, one way and another, they
might free themselves, these could be settled with, but from want they will
never get away. We have included in the constitution such rights as to the
masses appear fictitious and not actual rights. All these so-called
"People's Rights" can exist only in idea, an idea which can never be
realized in practical life. What is to the proletariat labourer, bowed double
over to this heavy toll, crushed by his lot in life, if talkers get the right to
babble, if journalists get the right to scribble any nonsense side by side with
good stuff, once the proletariat has no other profit out of the constitution
save only those pitiful crumbs which we fling them from our table in return for
their voting in favour of what we dictate, in favour of the men we place in
power, the servants of our agentur . . .
We appear on the scene as alleged saviors of the worker from the oppression
when we propose to him to enter the ranks of our fighting forces - to whom we
always give support in accordance with an alleged brotherly rule (of the
solidarity of all humanity) of our social masonry. The aristocracy, which
enjoyed by law the labour of the workers, was interested in seeing that the
workers were well fed, healthy and strong. We are interested in just the
opposite - in the diminution, the killing out of the Christians. Our power is the
chronic shortness of food and physical weakness of the worker because by all
that this implies he is made the slave of our will, and he will not find in his
own authorities either strength or energy to set against our will. Hunger
creates the right of capital to rule the worker more surely than it was given to
the aristocracy by the legal authority of kings.
By want and the envy and hatred which it engenders we shall move the mobs and
with their hands we shall wipe out all those who hinder us on our way.
When the hour strikes for our Sovereign Lord [SATAN] of all the world to be
crowned, it is these hands which will sweep away everything that might be
The Christians have lost the habit of thinking unless prompted by the
suggestions [brainwashing] of our specialists. Therefore they do not see the
urgent necessity of what we, when our kingdom comes, shall adopt at once, namely
this, that it is essential to teach in national schools one simple, true piece
of knowledge, the basis of all knowledge - the knowledge of the structure of
human life, of social existence, which requires division of labour, and
consequently, the division of men into classes and conditions. It is essential
for all to know that owing to differences in the objects of human activity there
cannot be any equality, that he who by any act of his, compromises a whole class
cannot be equally responsible before the law with him who affects no one but
only his own honour. The true knowledge of the structure of society, into the
secrets of which we do not admit the Christians, would demonstrate to all men
that the positions and work must be kept within a certain circle, that they may
not become a source of human suffering, arising from an education which does not
correspond with the work which individuals are called upon to do. After a
thorough study of this knowledge the peoples will voluntarily submit to
authority and accept such position as is appointed them in the State. In the
present state of knowledge and the directions we have given to its development
the people, blindly believing things in print, cherishes - thanks to promptings
intended to mislead and to its own ignorance - a blind hatred towards all
conditions which it considers above itself, for it has no understanding of the
meaning of class and condition.
This hatred will be still further magnified by the effects of an economic
crisis, which will stop dealings on the exchangers and bring industry to a
stand-still. We shall create by all the secret subterranean methods open to us
and with the aid of gold, which is all in our hands, a universal economic crisis
whereby we shall throw upon the streets whole mobs of workers simultaneously in
all the countries of Europe. These mobs will rush diligently to shed the blood
of those whom, in the simplicity of the ignorance, they have envied from their
cradles, and whose property they will be able to loot.
'Ours' they will not touch, because the moment of attack will be known to us
and we shall take measures to protect our own.
We have demonstrated that progress will bring all the Christians
sovereignty of reason. Our despotism will be precisely that; for it will know
how, by wise severities, to pacificate all unrest, to cauterize liberalism out
of all institutions.
When the populace has seen that all sorts of concessions and indulgences are
yielded to it in the name of freedom, it has imagined itself to be sovereign
lord and has stormed its way to power. But, naturally, like every other blind
man it has come upon a host of stumbling blocks, it has rushed to find a guide,
it has never had the sense to return to the former state and it has laid down
its plenipotentiary powers at our feet. Remember the French Revolution, to which
it was we who gave the name of `Great': the secrets of it preparations are well
known to us for it was wholly the work of our hands . . .
And thus the people condemn the upright and acquit the guilty, persuaded ever
more and more that it can do whatsoever it wishes. Thanks to this state of
things, the people are destroying every kind of stability and creating disorders
at every step.
Who and what is in a position to overthrow an invisible force? And this is
precisely what our force is. Gentile masonry blindly serves as a screen for us
and our objectives, but the plan of action of our force, even its very abiding
place, remains for the whole people an unknown mystery.
But even freedom might be harmless and have its place in the State economy,
without injury to the well-being of the peoples, if it rested upon the
foundation of the faith in God, upon the brotherhood of humanity, unconnected
with the conception of equality, which is negatived by the very laws of
creation, for they have established subordination. With such faith as this a
people might be governed by a wardship of parishes, and would walk contentedly
and humbly under the guiding hand of its spiritual pastor submitting to the
dispositions of God upon the earth. This is the reason why it is indispensable
for us to undermine all faith, to tear out of the minds of the Christians the
very principle of Godhead and the spirit, and to put in its place arithmetical
calculations of material needs.
In order to give the Christians no time to think and take note, their minds
must be diverted towards industry and trade. Thus, all nations will be swallowed
up in the pursuit of gain and in the race for it will not take note of their
common foe. But again, in order that freedom may once and for all disintegrate
and ruin communities of the Christians, we must put industry on a speculative
basis: the result of this will be what is withdrawn from the land by industry
will slip through the hands and pass into speculation, that is our class.
We shall create an intensified centralization of government in order to grip
in our hands all the forces of the community. We shall regulate mechanically all
the actions of the political life of our subjects by new laws. These laws will
withdraw one by one all the indulgences and liberties which have been permitted
by the Christians, and our kingdom will be distinguished by a despotism of such
magnificent proportions as to be at any moment and in every place in a position
to wipe out any Christians who opposes us by deed or word. We shall be told that
despotism as I speak of is not consistent with the progress of these days, but I
will prove to you that it is.
Moreover, the art of directing the masses and individuals by means of
cleverly manipulated theory and verbiage, by regulations of life in common and
all sorts of other quirks, in which all the Christians understand nothing,
belongs likewise to the specialists of our administration brain. Reared on
analysis, observation, on delicacies of fine calculation, in this species of
skill we have no rivals, any more than we have either in the drawing up of the
plans of political actions and solidarity . . .
For a time perhaps we might be successfully dealt with by a coalition of the
Christians of all the world: but from this danger we are secured by the discord
existing among them whose roots are so deeply seated that they can never now be
plucked up. We have set one against another the personal and national reckonings
of the Christians, religious and race hatreds, which we have fostered into a huge
growth in the course of the past twenty centuries. This is the reason why there
is not one State which would anywhere receive support if it were to raise its
arm, for everyone of them must bear in mind that any agreement against us would
be unprofitable to itself. We are too strong - there is no evading power. The
nations cannot come to even an inconsiderable private without our secretly
having a hand in it . . . Capital, if it is to co-operate untrammeled, must be
free to establish a monopoly of industry and trade: this is already being put in
execution by an unseen hand in all quarters of the world. This freedom will give
political force to those engaged in industry, and that will help to oppress the
people. Nowadays it is more important to disarm the peoples than to lead into
war; more important to use to our advantage the passions which have burst into
flames than to quench their fire; more important to catch up and interpret the
ideas of others to suit ourselves than to eradicate them. The principal
objective of our directorate consists in this: to debilitate the public mind by
criticism; to lead it away from serious reflections calculated to arouse
resistance; to distract the forces of the mind towards a sham fight of empty
In all ages the peoples of the world, equally with the individuals, have
accepted words for deeds, for they are content with a show and rarely pause to
note, in the public arena, whether promises are followed by performance.
Therefore we shall establish institutions which will give eloquent proof to
their benefit to progress.
We shall assume to ourselves the liberal physiognomy of all parties, of all
directions, and we shall give the physiognomy a voice in orators who will speak
so much that they will exhaust patience of their hearers and produce an
abhorrence to oratory.
In order to put public opinion into our hands we must bring it into a state
of bewilderment by giving expression from all sides to so many contradictory
opinions and for such length of time as will suffice to make the Christians lose
their heads in the labyrinth and come to see that the best thing to have no
opinion of any kind in matters political, they are understood only by him who
guides the public. This is the first secret.
The second secret requisite for success for our government is comprised of
the following: To multiply to such an extent national failings, habits,
passions, conditions of civil life, that it will be impossible for anyone to
know where he is in the resulting chaos, so that the people in consequence will
fail to understand one another. This measure will also serve us in another way,
namely, to sow discord in all parities, to dislocate all collective forces which
are still unwilling to submit to us, and to discourage any kind of personal
initiative which might in any degree hinder our affair. There is nothing more
dangerous than personal initiative; if it has genius behind it, such initiative
can do more than can be done by millions of people among whom we have sown
discord. We must so direct the education of the Christians communities that
whenever they come upon a matter requiring initiative they may drop their hands
in despairing impotence. The strain which results from freedom of action saps
the forces when it meets with the freedom of another. From this collision arise
gave moral shocks, disenchantments, failures. By all these means we shall so
wear down the Christians that they will be compelled to offer us international
power of a nature that by its position will enable us without any violence
gradually absorb all the State forces of the world and to form a
Super-Government. In place of the rulers of today we shall set up a bogey which
will be called the Super-Government Administration. Its hands will reach out in
all directions like nippers and its organization will be of such colossal
dimensions that it cannot fail to subdue all the nations of the world.
What we want is that industry should drain off from the land both labour and
capital and by means of speculation transfer into our hands all the money of the
world, and thereby throw all the Christians into the ranks of the proletariat.
Then the Christians will bow down before us, if for no other reason but to get
the right to exist . . . We shall raise the rate of wages which, however, will
not bring any advantage to the workers, for at the same time, we shall produce a
rise in prices of the first necessaries of life, alleging that it arises from
the decline of agriculture and cattle-breeding; we shall further undermine
artfully and deeply sources of productions, by accustoming the workers to
anarchy and to drunkenness and side by side therewith taking all measures to
extirpate from the earth all the educated forces of the Christians.
In order that the true meaning of the things may not strike the
Christians before the proper time we shall mask it under alleged ardent desire to serve the
working classes and the great principles of political economy about which our
economic theories are carrying on an energetic propaganda.
The intensification of armaments, the increase of police forces - are all
essential for the completion of the aforesaid mentioned plans. What we have to
get at is that there should be in all States of the world, beside ourselves,
only the masses of the proletariat, a few millionaires devoted to our interests,
police and soldiers.
We must be in a position to respond to every act of opposition by war with
the neighbors of that country which dares to oppose us; but if these neighbors
should also venture to stand collectively together against us, then we must
offer resistance by universal war.
The principal factor of success in the political is the secrecy of its
undertakings; the world should not agree with the deeds of the diplomat.
We must compel the governments of the Christians to take action in the
direction favored by our widely-conceived plan, already approaching the desired
consummation, by what we shall represent as public opinion, secretly prompted by
us through the means of that so-called "Great Power" - the Press,
which, with a few exceptions that may be disregarded, is already entirely in our
In a word, to sum up our system of keeping the governments of the
Christians in Europe in check, we shall show our strength to one of them by terrorist
attempts and to all, if we allow the possibility of a general rising against us,
we shall respond with the guns of America or China or Japan.
We must arm ourselves with all the weapons which our opponents might employ
against us. [Editor's Note: We have been playing right into their hands] We must
search out in the very finest shades of expression and the knotty points of the
lexicon of law justification for those cases where we shall have to pronounce
judgments that might appear abnormally audacious and unjust, for it is important
that these resolutions should be set forth in expression that shall seem to be
the most exalted moral principles cast into legal form. Our directorate must
surround itself with these forces of civilization among which it will have to
work. It will surround itself with publicists, practical jurists,
administrators, diplomats and finally, with persons prepared by a special
super-educational training in our special schools. These persons will have
cognizance of all the secrets of the social structure, they will know all the
languages that can be made up by political alphabets and words; they will be
acquainted with the whole underside of human nature, with all its sensitive
chords on which they will have to play.
These cords are the cast of mind of the Christians, their tendencies,
short-comings, vices and qualities, the particularities of classes and
conditions. Needless to say that the talented assistants of authority, of whom I
speak, will be taken not from amongst the Christians, who are accustomed to
perform their administrative work without giving themselves the trouble to think
what its aim is, and never consider what it is needed for. The administrators of
the Christians sign papers without reading them, [Editor's Note: The Act of March
9, 1933 is a prime example] and they serve either for mercenary reasons or for
reasons of ambition . . .
For a time, until there will no longer be any risk in entrusting responsible
posts in our States to our brother [Iluminists] - we shall put between them and
the people lies an abyss, persons who, in case of disobedience to our
instructions, must face criminal charges or disappear - this in order to make
them defend our interest to their last gasp.
For us there are no checks to limit the range of our activity. Our
Super-Government subsists in extra-legal conditions which are described in the
accepted terminology by the energetic and forcible word - Dictatorship. I am in
a position to tell you with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the
law-givers, shall execute judgment and sentence, we shall slay and shall spare,
we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on the steed of the leader. We rule
by force of will, because in our hands are the fragments of a once powerful
party, now vanquished by us. And the weapons in our hands are limitless
ambitions, burning greediness, merciless vengeance, hatreds and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We have in our service
persons of opinions of all doctrines, restorating monarchists, demagogues,
socialists, communists, and utopian dreamers of every kind. We have harnessed
them all to the task: each one of them on his own account is boring away at the
last remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all established forms of
order. By these acts all States are in torture; they exhort to tranquility, are
ready to sacrifice everything for peace, but we will not give them peace until
they openly acknowledge our international Super-Government, and with
The people have raised a howl about the necessity of setting the question of
Socialism by way of an international agreement. Division into fractional parties
has given them into our hands, for in order to carry on a contested struggle one
must have money, and the money is all in our hands . . .
In this way the blind force of the people remains our support and we, and we
only, shall provide them with a leader and, of course, direct them along the
road that leads to our goal . . .
In order not to annihilate the institutions of the Christians before it is
time we have touched them with craft and delicacy, and have taken hold of the
ends of the springs which move the mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but
just sense of order, we have replaced them by chaotic license of liberalism. We
have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the conduct of
elections, into the press, into liberty of the person, but principally into the
education and training as being the corner-stones of a free existence.
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the Christians
them in principles and theories which are know to us to be false although it is
by us that they have been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially altering them, and by merely
twisting contradictions of interpretations, we have erected something grandiose
in the way of results. These results found expression first in the fact that the
interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely hid them from the eyes
of governments owing to the impossibility of making anything out of the web of
This is the origin of the theory, of course, of arbitration.
You may say that the Christians will rise upon us, arms in arms, if they guess
what is going on before the time comes; but in the West we have against this a
manoeuvre of such appalling terror that the very stoutest hearts will quail -
undergrounds, metropolitans, those subterranean corridors which, before the time
comes, will be driven under all the capitals and from whence those capitals will
be blown into the air with all their organization and archives.
When we have accomplished our coup d'etat we shall say then to the various
people: 'Everything has gone terribly badly, all have been worn out with
sufferings. We are destroying the causes of your torment - nationalities,
frontiers, differences of coinage. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce
sentence upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by you
before you make any trial of what we are offering you' . . . Then will the mob
exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a unanimous triumph of hopes and
expectations. Voting, which we have made an instrument which will set us on the
throne of the world by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the
human race to vote by means of meetings [Editor's Note: Perot's town hall
meetings?] and agreements of groups, will then have served its purposes and will
play its part then for the last time by a unanimity of desire to make close
acquaintance with us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without distinction of classes and
qualifications, in order to establish an absolute majority, which cannot be got
from the educated propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a sense
of self-importance, we shall destroy among the Christians the importance of the
family and its educational value and remove the possibility of individual minds
splitting off, for the mob, handled by us, will not let them come to the front
nor even give them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who pay it
for obedience and attention. In this way we shall create a blind mighty force
which will never be in a position to move in any direction without the guidance
of our agents set as its head by us as leaders of the mob . . .
When we introduce into the State organism the poison of Liberalism its whole
political complexion underwent a change. States have been seized with a mortal
illness - blood-poisoning. All that remains is to await the end of their death
agony . . .
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall arrange elections
in favour of such presidents as have in their past some dark, undiscovered
stain, some 'Panama' or other - then they will be trustworthy agents for the
accomplishment of our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural
desire of everyone whop has attained power, namely, the retention of privileges,
but we shall take from it the right to propose new, or make changes in the
existing laws, for this right will be given by us to the responsible president,
a puppet in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then
become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall provide him with
the means of self-defense in the right of an appeal to the people, for the
decision of the people over the heads of their representatives, that is to say,
an appeal to that same blind slave of ours - the majority of the mob.
Independently of this we shall invest the president with the right of declaring
a state of war. We shall justify this last right on the ground that the
president, as chief of the whole army of the country, must have at his disposal,
in case of need for the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to
defend which will belong to him as the responsible representative of the
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of the shrine will
lie in our hands, and no one outside ourselves will any longer direct the force
of legislation . . .
But you as yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the possibility of
the expression of such wishes by all the nations it is indispensable to trouble
in all countries the people's relations with their governments so as to utterly
exhaust humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the use of
torture, by starvation. By the inoculation of diseases [AIDS?], by want, so that
the Christians see no other issue than to take refuge in our complete sovereignty
in money and all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space the moment we long
for is hardly ever to arrive.
This, then, is the program of the new constitution. We shall make Law, Right
and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals of the Legislative Corps, (2) by
decrees of the president under the guise of the general regulations, of orders
of the Senate and of resolutions of the State Councils in the guise of
ministerial orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise - in the
form of a revolution in the State . . . What we want is that from the first
moment of its promulgation, while the peoples of the world are still stunned by
the accomplished fact of the revolution, still in a condition of terror and
uncertainty, they should recognize once for all that we are so strong, so
inexpungable, so superabundantly filled with power, that in no case shall we
take any account of them, and so far from paying any attention to their opinions
or wishes, we are ready and able to crush with irresistible power all expression
and manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place, that we have
seized at once everything we wanted and shall in no case divide our power with
them . . . Then in fear and trembling they will close their eyes to everything,
and be content to await what will be the end of it all.
The Christians are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves. And you know
what happens when the wolves get hold of the flock? . . .
There is no other reason why they will close their eyes: for we shall keep
promising them to give back all the liberties we have taken away as soon as we
have quelled the enemies of peace and tamed all parties . . .
It is not worth while to say anything about how long a time they will be kept
waiting for this return of their liberties . . .
The word 'freedom,' which can be interpreted in various ways, is defined by
us as follows: -
Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. The interpretation of
the word will at the proper time be of service to us, because all freedom will
thus be in our hands, since the laws will abolish or create only that which is
desirable for us according to the aforesaid program.
We shall deal with the press in the following way: What is the part played by
the press today? It serves too excite and inflame those passions which are
needed for our purpose or else it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often to
vapid, unjust, mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the slightest
idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and bridle it with a
tight curb; we shall do the same also with all productions of the printing
press, for where would be the sense of getting rid of the attacks of the press
if we remain targets for pamphlets and books? . . .
Not a single announcement will reach the public without our control. Even now
this is already attained by us inasmuch as all news items are received by few
agencies, in whose offices they are focused from all parts of the world. These
agencies will then be already entirely ours and will give publicity only to what
we dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the minds of the
Christians communities to such an extent that they all come near looking upon the
events of the world through coloured glasses of those spectacles we are setting
astride their noses: if already now there in not a single State where there
exist for us any barriers of admittance into what the Christians stupidity calls
State secrets; what will our position be then, when we shall be acknowledged
supreme lords of the world in the person of our king of all the world . . .
All the so-called liberal are anarchists, if not in fact, at any rate in
thought. Everyone of them is hunting after phantoms of freedom, and falling
exclusively into license, that is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of
protest . . .
In the third rank we shall set up our own, to all appearance, opposition,
which, in at least one of its organs, will present what looks like the very
antipodes to us. Our real opponents at heart will accept this simulated
opposition as their own and will show us their cards.
All our newspapers will be all possible complexions - aristocratic,
republican, revolutionary, even anarchical - for so long, of course, as the
constitution exists . . . Like the Indian idol Vishnu they will have a hundred
hands, and every one of them will have a finger on any one of the public
opinions as required. When the pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in
the direction of our aims, for an excited patient loses all power of judgment
and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who think they are repeating the
opinion of the newspaper of their own camp will be repeating our opinion or any
opinion that seems desirable for us. In the vain belief that they are following
the organ of their party they will in fact follow the flag which we hang out to
them . . .
These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose, namely, that our
subjects will be convinced of the existence of full freedom of speech and so
give our agents an occasion to affirm that all organs which oppose us are empty
babblers, since they are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our
Methods of organization like these, imperceptible to the public eye but
absolutely sure are the best calculated to succeed in bringing the attention and
the confidence of the public to the side of our government . . . Thanks to such
methods we shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, to
excite or to tranquilize the public mind on political questions, to persuade or
to confuse, printing now the truth, now lies, facts or their contradictions,
according as they may be well or ill received, always very cautiously feeling
our ground before stepping upon it . . . We shall have a sure triumph over our
opponents since they will not have at their disposition organs of the press in
which they can give full and final expression of their views owing to the
aforesaid methods of dealing with the press. We shall not even need to refute
them except very superficially.
Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our press, in case
of need, will be energetically refuted by us in our semi-official organs . . .
When we are in the period of the new regime transitional to that of our
assumption of full sovereignty we must not admit any revelations by the press of
any form of public dishonesty; it is necessary that the new regime should be
thought to have so perfectly contented everybody that even criminality has
disappeared . . . Cases of the manifestation of criminality should remain known
only to their victims and to chance witnesses - no more.
The need for daily bread forces the Christians to keep silence and be our
humble servants. Agents taken on to our press from among the Christians will at
our orders discuss anything which it is inconvenient for us to issue directly in
official documents, and we meanwhile, quietly amid the din of the discussion so
raised, shall simply take and carry through such measures as we wish and then
offer them to the public as an accomplished fact. No one will dare demand to
abrogation of a matter once settled, all the more so as it will be represented
as an improvement . . . And immediately the press will distract the current
thought towards new questions (have we not trained people always to be seeking
something new?) . . .
In order to distract people who may be too troublesome form discussions of
questions of the political, namely, questions of industry. In this sphere let
them discuss themselves silly! The masses are agreed to remain inactive, to take
a rest from what they suppose to be political activity (which we trained them in
order to use them as a means of combating the Christians governments) only on
condition of being found new employments, in which we are prescribing them
something that looks like the same political objective.
In order that the masses themselves may not guess what they are about we
further distract them with arguments, games pastimes, passions, people's palaces
. . . Soon we shall begin through the press to propose competitions in art, in
sport of all kinds; these interest will finally distract their minds from
questions in which we should find ourselves compelled to oppose them. Growing
more and more disaccustomed to reflect and form any opinions for their own,
people will begin to talk in the same tone as we, because we alone shall be
offering them new directions for thought . . . of course through such persons as
will not be suspected of solidarity with us.
The part played by the liberals, utopian dreamers, will finally be played out
when our government is acknowledged. Till such time they will continue to do us
good service. Therefore we shall continue to direct their hands to all sorts of
vain conceptions of fantastic theories, new and apparently progressive; for have
we not with complete success turned the brainless heads of the Christians with
progress, till there is not among the Christians one mind able to perceive that
under this word lies a departure from truth in all cases where it is not a
question of material inventions, for truth is one, and in it there is no place
for progress. Progress, like a fallacious idea, serves to obscure truth so that
none may know it except us, the Chosen of God, its guardians.
When we come into our kingdom our orators will expound great problems which
have turned humanity upside down in order to bring it at the end under our
Who will ever suspect then that all these peoples were staged-managed by us
according to political plan which no one has so much as guessed at in the course
of many centuries? . . .
. . . Useless changes of forms of government to which we instigated the
Christians when we were undermining the state structures, will have so wearied
the peoples by that time they will prefer to suffer anything under us rather
than run the risk of enduring again all the agitations and miseries they have
At the same time we shall not omit to emphasize the historical mistakes of
the Christians government which have tormented humanity for so many centuries by
their lack of understanding of everything that constitutes the true good of
humanity in their chase after fantastic schemes of social blessings, and have
never noticed that these schemes kept producing a worse and never better state
of universal relations which are the basis of human life.
The whole force of our principles and methods will lie in the fact that we
shall present them and expound them as a splendid contrast to the dead and
decomposed old order of things in social life.
Our philosophers will discuss the shortcomings of the various beliefs of the
Christians, but no one will ever bring under discussion our faith from its true
point of view since this will be fully learned by none save ours, who will never
dare to betray its secrets.
In countries known as progressive and enlightened, we have created a
senseless, filthy abominable literature. For some time our entrance to power we
shall continue to encourage its existence in order to provide a telling relief
by contrast to the speeches, party program, which will be distributed from
exalted quarters of ours . . . Our wise men, trained to become leaders of the Christians, will compose speeches, projects, memoirs, articles, which will be
used by us to influence the minds of the Christians, directing them towards such
understanding and forms of knowledge as have been determined by us.
When we last definitely come to our kingdom by the aid of the coups d'etat
prepared everywhere for one and the same day, after the worthlessness of all
existing forms of government has been definitely acknowledged (and not a little
time will pass before that comes about, perhaps even a whole century) we shall
make it our task to see that against us such things as plots shall no longer
exist. With this purpose we shall slay without mercy all who take arms (in hand)
to oppose our coming into our kingdom. Every kind of new institution of anything
like our secret society will also be punished by death; those of them which are
now in existence, are known to us, serve us and have served us, we shall disband
and send into exile to continents far removed from Europe. In this way we shall
proceed with those Christians masons who know too much; such of these as we may
for some reason spare will be kept in constant fear of exile. We shall
promulgate a law making all former members of secret societies liable to exile
from Europe as the centre of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal.
In the Christians societies, in which we have planted and deeply rooted
discord of protestantism, the only way of restoring order is to employ merciless
measures that prove the direct force of authority: no regard must be paid to
victims who fall, they suffer for the well-being of the future. The attainment
of that well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices, is the duty of any kind
of government that acknowledges, as justification for its existence, not only to
its privileges but it s obligations. The principal guarantee of stability of
rule is to confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is attained only by
such a majestic inflexibility of might as shall carry on its face of
inviolability from mystical cause - from the choice of God. Such was, until
recent times, the Russian autocracy, the one and only serious foe we had in the
world without counting the Papacy . . .
The class of people of most willingly enter into secret societies are those
who live by their wits, careerists, and in general people, most light-minded,
with whom we shall have no difficulty in dealing and in using to wind up the
mechanism of the machine devised by us. If this world grows agitated the meaning
of that will be that we have had to stir it up in order to break up its
solidarity. But if there should arise in its midst a plot, then at the head of
that plot will be no other than one of our most trusted servants. It is natural
that we and no other should lead Masonic activities, for we know whither we are
leading, we know the final goal of every form of activity whereas the Christians
have knowledge of nothing, not even of the immediate effect of action.
When it comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest its blessings,
we shall remake all legislature, all our laws will be brief, plain, stable,
without any kind of interpretations, so that anyone will be in a position to
know them perfectly. The main feature will run right through them is submission
to orders, and this principle will be carried to a grandiose height. Every abuse
of power subordinate to this last instance will be mercilessly punished that
none will be found anxious to try experiments with their own powers. We shall
follow up jealously every action of the administration on which depends the
smooth running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this produces
slackness everywhere; not a single case of illegality or abuse of power will be
left without exemplary punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance between those in service of the
administration - all this kind of evil will disappear after the very first
examples of severe punishment. The sufferer, though his punishment may exceed
his fault, will count as a soldier falling on the administration field of battle
in the interest of authority, principle and law, which do not permit that any of
those who hold reins of the public coach should turn aside from the public
highway to their own private baths. For example: our judges will know whenever
they feel disposed to plume themselves on foolish clemency they are violating
the law of justice which is instituted for the exemplary edification of the men
by penalties for lapses and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the
judge . . .
We shall root out liberalism from all the important pots of our government on
which depends the training of the subordinates for our State structure. Such
posts will fall exclusively to those who have been trained by us for
administrative rule. To the possible objection that the retirement of old
servants will cost the Treasury heavily, I reply, firstly they will be provided
with some private service in place of what they lose, and secondly, I have to
remark that all the money in the world will be concentrated in our hands,
consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal paternal
guardianship on the part of the ruler. Our own nation and our subjects will
discern in his person a father caring for their every need, their every act,
their every inner-relation as subjects one with another, as well as their
relations to the ruler. They will then be so thoroughly imbued with the thought
that it is impossible for them to dispense with this wardship and guidance, if
they wish to live in peace and quiet, that they will acknowledge the autocracy
of our ruler with a devotion bordering on Apotheosis, especially when they are
convinced that those whom we set up do not put their own in place of his
authority, but only blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that we
have regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise parents who desire
to train their children in the cause of duty and submission.
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals, who commit a
breach of established order, for the exemplary punishment of evil lies a great
In order to effect the destruction of all collective forces except ours, we
shall emasculate the first stage of collectivism - the universities, by
reeducating them in a new direction. Their officials and professors will be
prepared for their business by detailed secret programs of action from which
they will not with immunity diverge, not by one iota. They will be appointed
with special precaution, and will be so placed as to be wholly dependent upon
the Government . . .
We shall erase from the memory of men all facts of previous centuries which
are undesirable to us, and leave only those which depict all the errors of
governments of the Christians. The study of practical life, of the obligations of
order, of the relations of the people one to another, of avoiding bad and
selfish examples which spread the infection of evil, and similar questions of an
educative nature, will stand in the forefront of the teaching program, which
will be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling of state of life, in no
wise generalizing the teaching. This treatment of the question has special
Each state of life must be trained within the strict limits corresponding to
its destination and work in life. The occasional genius has always managed and
always will manage to slip through into other states of life, but it is the most
perfect folly for the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into
the ranks foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those who
belong to those ranks by birth or employment. You know yourselves in what all
this has ended for the Christians who allowed this crying absurdity.
In a word, knowing by experience of many centuries that people live and are
guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbibed by people only by the aid of
education provided with equal success for all ages of growth, but of course by
varying methods, we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last
scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for long past been directing
towards subjects and ideas useful to us. The system of bridling thought is
already at work in the so-called system of teaching by object lessons, the
purpose of which is to turn the Christians into unthinking submissive brutes
waiting for things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea of
them . . .
They do not usually decline to undertaking any defense whatever, they strive
for an acquittal at all costs, caviling over every petty crux of jurisprudence
and thereby they demoralize justice. For this reason we shall set this
profession into narrow frames which will keep it inside this sphere of executive
public service. Advocates, equally with judges, will be deprived of the right of
communication with litigants; they will receive business only from the court and
will study it by notes of report and documents, defending their clients after
they have been interrogated in court on the facts that have appeared. They will
receive an honorarium without regard to the quality of the defense. This will
render them mere reporters on law-business in the interest of justice and as
counterpoise to the proctor who will be the reporter in the interests of
prosecution; this will shorten business in the courts. In this way will be
established a practice of honest unprejudiced defense conducted from the not
personal interest but by conviction. This will also, by the way, remove the
present practice of corrupt bargain between advocates to agree only to let that
side win which pays the most . . .
Day by day its influence on the peoples of the world is falling lower.
Freedom of conscience has been declared everywhere, so that now only years
divide us from the moment of the complete wrecking of that Christians religion,
as to other religions we shall have still less difficulty in dealing with them,
but it would be premature to speak of this now . . .
In our program one-third of our subjects will keep the rest under observation
from a sense of duty, on the principle of volunteer service to the State. It
will then be no disgrace to be a spy and informer, but a merit: unfounded
denunciations, however, will be cruelly punished that there may be no
development of abuses of this right.
This body, having no rights and not being empowered to take any action on
their own account, and consequently a police without any power, will only
witness and report: verification of their reports and arrests will depend upon a
responsible group of controllers of police affairs, while the actual act of
arrest will be performed by the gendarmerie and the municipal police. Any person
not denouncing anything seen or heard concerning questions of polity will also
be charged with and responsible for concealment, if it is proved he is guilty of
Just as nowadays our brethren are obliged at their own risk to denounce to
the kabal apostates of their own family or members who have been noticed doing
anything in opposition to the kabal, so in our kingdom over all the world it
will be obligatory for all our subjects to observe the duty of service to the
State in this direction.
We have compelled the rulers to acknowledge their weakness in advertising
over measures of secret defense and thereby we shall bring the promise of
authority to destruction.
Our ruler will be secretly protected only by the most insignificant guard,
because we shall not admit so much as a thought that there could exist against
him any sedition with which he is not strong enough to contend and is compelled
to hide from it.
Criminals with us will be arrested at the first more or less well-grounded
suspicion; it cannot be allowed that out of fear a possible mistake an
opportunity should be given of escape to persons suspected of a political lapse
or crime, for in these matters we shall be literally merciless. If it is still
possible, by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the motive causes
in simple crimes, there is no possibility of excuse for persons occupying
themselves with question in which nobody except the government can understand
anything . . . And it is not all governments that understand true policy.
Sedition-mongering is nothing more than the yapping of a lap-dog at an
elephant. For a government well organized, not from the police but from the
public point of view, the lap-dog yaps at the elephant in entire unconsciousness
of its strength and importance. It needs no more than to take a good example to
show relative importance of both and the lap-dogs will cease to yap and wag
their tails the moment they set eyes on an elephant.
Economic cries have been produced by us for the Christians by no other means
than the withdrawal of money from circulation. Huge capitals have stagnated,
withdrawing from States, which were constantly obliged to apply to those same
stagnate capitals for loans. These loans burdened the finances of the state with
the payment of interest, and made them the bond slaves of these capitals . . .
The concentration of industry in the hands of capitalists out of the hands of
small masters has drained away all the juices of the peoples and with them also
of the States . . .
The present issue of money in general does not correspond with the
requirements per head, and cannot therefore satisfy all the needs of the
workers. The issue of money ought to correspond with the growth of the
population and thereby children must absolutely be reckoned as consumers of
currency from the day of their birth. This revision of issue is a material
question for the whole world.
You are aware that the gold standard has been the best ruin of the States
which adopted it, for it has been unable to satisfy the demands for money, the
more so that we have removed gold from circulation as far as possible.
With us the standard that must be introduced is the cost of the working-man
power, whether it be reckoned in paper or wood. We shall make the issue of money
in accordance with the normal requirements of each subjects, adding to the
quantity with every birth and subtracting with every death.
The reform projected by us in the financial institutions and principles of
the Christians will be clothed by us in such forms as will alarm nobody. We shall
point out the necessity of reforms in consequence of the disorderly darkness
into which the Christians by their irregularities have plunged the finances. The
first irregularity, as we shall point out, consists in their beginning with
drawing up a single budget which year after year grows owing to the following
cause: this budget is dragged out to half the year, then they demand a budget to
put things right, and this they expend in three months, after which they ask for
a supplementary budget, and all this ends with a liquidation budget. But, as the
budget of the following year is drawn up in accordance with the sum of the total
addition, the annual departure from the normal reaches as much as 50 percent in
a year, and so the annual budget is trebled in ten years. Thanks so much
methods, allowed by the carelessness of the Christians States, their treasuries
are empty. The period of loans supervenes, and that has swallowed up remainders
and brought all the Christians States to bankruptcy.
You understand perfectly that economic arrangements of this kind, which have
been suggested to the Christians by us, cannot be carried on by us . . .
What also indeed is, in substance, a loan, especially a foreign loan? A loan
is - an issue of governments bills of exchange containing a percentage
obligation commensurate to the sum of the loan capital. If the loan bears a
charge of 5 percent, then in twenty years the State vainly pay away in interest
a sum equal to the loan borrowed, in forty years it is paying a double sum, in
sixty - treble, and all the while the debt remains an unpaid debt.
From this calculation it is obvious that with any form of taxation per head
of State is bailing out the last coppers of the poor taxpayers in order to
settle accounts with the wealthy foreigners, from who it has borrowed money
instead of collecting these coppers for its own needs without the additional
So long as loans were internal the Christians only shuffled money from the
pockets of the poor to those of the rich, but when we bought up the necessary
person in order to transfer loans into the external sphere all the wealth of the
States flowed into our cash-boxes and all the Christians began to pay us the
tribute of subjects . . .
How clear is the undeveloped power of thought of the purely brute brains of
the Christians, as expressed in the fact that they have been borrowing from us
with the payment of interest without ever thinking that all the same these very
moneys plus an addition for payment of interest must be got by them from their
own State pockets in order to settle up with us. What could have been simpler
than to take the money they wanted from their own people?
But it is proof of genius of our chosen mind that we have contrived to
present the matter of loans to them in such a light that they have even seen in
them an advantage for themselves.
Our accounts, which we shall present when the time comes, in light of
centuries of experience gained by experiments made by us on the Christians States, will be distinguished by clearness and definiteness, and will show at a
glance to all men the advantage of our innovations. They will put an end to
those abuses to which we owe our mastery over the Christians, but which cannot be
allowed in our kingdom . . .
You know to what they have been brought by this carelessness, to what a pitch
of financial disorder they have arrived, notwithstanding the astonishing
industry of their peoples . . .
If everybody expressed his unwillingness and demanded his money back, the
government would be hooked on their flies and would be found insolvent and
unable to pay the proposed sums. By good luck the subjects of the Christians governments, knowing nothing about financial affairs, have always preferred
losses on exchange and diminution of interest to the risk of new investments of
their moneys, and thereby many a time enabled these governments to throw off
their shoulders a debt of several millions.
Nowadays, with external loans, these tricks cannot be played by the
Christians for they know that we shall demand all our moneys back.
In this way an acknowledged bankruptcy will best prove to the various
countries the absence of any means between the interest of the people and those
who rule them.
I beg you too concentrate your particular attention upon this point and upon
the following: nowadays all internal loans are consolidated by the so-called
flying loans, that is such as have terms of payments more or less near. These
debts consist of moneys paid into the savings banks and reserve funds. If left
for long at the disposition of a government, these funds evaporate in the
payment of interest on foreign loans, and are replaced by the deposit of
equivalent amount of rents.
We shall contrive to prove that we are benefactors who have restored to the
rent and mangled earth the good and also freedom of the person, and therewith we
shall enable it to be enjoyed in peace and quiet, with proper dignity of
relations, on the condition, of course, of strict observance of the laws
established by us . . .
Our authority will be glorious because it will be all-powerful, will rule and
guide, and not muddle along after leaders and orators shrieking themselves
hoarse with senseless words which they call great principles and which are
nothing else, to speak honestly, but utopian . . . Our authority will be the
crown of order, and in that is included the whole happiness of man. The aureole
of this authority will inspire a mystical bowing of the knee before it and a
reverent fear before it of all the peoples. True force makes no terms with any
right, not even with that of God: none date near to it as to take much as a span
from it away.
That the peoples may become accustomed to obedience it is necessary to
inoculate lessons of humility and therefore to reduce the production of articles
of luxury. By this we shall improve morals which have been debased by emulation
in the sphere of luxury. We shall reestablish small master production which will
mean laying a mine under the private capital of manufacturers. That is
indispensable also for the reason that manufacturers on the grand scale often
move, though not always consciously, the thoughts of the masters knows nothing
of unemployment, and this binds him closely with the existing order, and
consequently with the firmness of authority. Unemployment is a most perilous
thing for a government. For us its part will have been played out the moment
authority is transferred into our hands. Drunkenness also will be prohibited by
law and punishable as a crime against the humanness of man who is turned into a
brute under the influence of alcohol.
Subjects, I repeat once more, give blind obedience only to the strong hand
which is absolutely independent of them, for in it they feel the sword for
defense and support against social scourges . . . What do they want with an
angelic spirit in a king? What they have to see in him is the personification of
force and power."
Henry Ford, the famed auto pioneer, in an interview published in the New York
World, February 17, 1921, put the veracity of the Master Plan very
convincingly when he said: "The only statement I care to make about the Master
Plan is that it fits in with what is going on. It is [at least] sixteen
years old, and they have fitted the world situation up to this time. They fit it
now." As you can see the "Master Plan", go hand in hand,
of what has happened in the past, what is happening at the present time and what
will happen in the future unless they, the Adversaries are destroyed. This small
but powerful group which includes international bankers, industrialists,
scientists, military and political leaders, educationalists, economists, members
of the media and religious leaders have used all subversive movements to divide
the masses of the people into opposing camps on political, social, racial,
economic and religious issues. They arm the groups and encourage them to fight
with each other. They have created the problems and plan on being the One on the
Great White Horse who will save us from the wars, famines, economic chaos and
destruction which they have devised on the sleeping and unsuspecting world.
Unfortunately the people will be willing to accept any offer or solution to save
them from that which is to come.
"And from the days of John the Baptist until now the kingdom of heaven
suffers violence, and violent men take it by force." (Matthew 11:12)
The ENEMY has been EXPOSED, just like in the WIZARD of OZ. We are not Dorothy
having a dream. This is reality and the POWER BEHIND the THRONE IS EVIL and is
still very much in existence and operating through many fronts, some of which
have already been discussed in this book.